The possible future direction of common law employment contracts

The replacement of statutory agreements with common law contracts will provide the parties with more freedom and flexibility, particularly in cases where remuneration is at or above $100,000 a year, because these contracts will only need to adhere to the prescriptive ‘safety net’ of minimum standards. In this way, the impact of the legislative changes may be seen in a definite increase in the use of these contracts.

Not only would it be advantageous to an employer of a worker who is earning at least $100,000 a year not to have to remain aware of all applicable awards in that industry sector, but this type of instrument would also effectively ‘de-unionise’ that category of worker, because if most of the workforce is on individual common law contracts, it would not be worth the union’s while to engage in litigation on behalf of one employee at a time (however, if all of these workers were on AWAs prior to 2010, this situation would have existed prior to 2010 as well).

The reforms that will be implemented by the 2008 legislation will, in all probability, have a significant impact on the content of common law employment contracts. But it is also essential to keep in mind that, apart from these dramatic changes to the legislative regime, the common law position on employment contracts continues to evolve It would seem that all of the doom-ness visited upon Workchoices will now be visited upon anyone on more than $100,000 per year. That either means that the criticism of Workchoices was exaggerated, or they are “only pretending to care”. It is as if this Government will do more to reduce the role of the union movement than the previous one dared to.

Positively, when Governments create vacuums, the Courts fill them. There have been many benchmarks set in recent times by the Federal and State Courts which create protections for the general middle-management-and-above community, which the Government has chosen not to give them by legislation.

Contractual terms

Common law contracts are the means of engagement already for most people – award or non- award. That is because award standards have so completely fallen behind community standards in most occupations over the past two decades (eg, under the State Clerical and Administrative Award, the “executive rate” above which you cease to get overtime is about $38,000). Awards can be completely avoided so long as the common law contract ensures that its clauses are not undercut – a simple task in most cases. With the new legislation, that will not even be necessary for those on $100,000 or more.

If one was advising an employee on more than $100,000, prima facie, that advice would be to get nothing in writing and to sign nothing. That is because if you write down a right, or define it, you automatically limit it to what is written. The idea of “reasonable standards” is thus much abridged by a written contract. It could be said that the best contract is an unwritten one, as in that case the parties necessarily leave it to the courts to determine many of the specifics of the contract.

For everything that is not written, (or verbally ‘express’ – hard to prove when in dispute) the common produces terms which are held to be ‘implied’ into the contract, if not expressly written into the contract.

Implied terms

Historically, the courts have come up with two categories of implied terms: those implied by law for reasons of policy (for example, the requirement that the employer will take reasonable care of the employee’s health and safety while at work is intended to safeguard the working public’s health and safety) and those implied by fact (for example, the custom, practice and usage of many industries requires reasonable notice of termination to be at least four weeks).

In determining whether a term is capable of being implied into an employment contract, the courts have formulated the following conditions:

• The term must be reasonable and equitable
• It must be necessary to give business efficacy to the employment contract
• It must be ‘so obvious that it goes without saying’
• It must be capable of being clearly expressed
• It must not contradict an express term elsewhere in the contract.

In this manner, the common law has discovered many implied terms to exist within the employment contract, conferring definite duties upon the contractual parties – employee duties such as: obeying all reasonable and lawful commands of the employer; disclosing all necessary information to the employer, but not disclosing any confidential business information to others; furthering the employer’s interests, or at least not frustrating the employer’s interests.

And the common law has found some of the employer’s duties to be: providing the employee with prescribed wages and conditions; paying redundancy pay to eligible employees; and advising employees of superannuation and resignation requirements and arrangements. And some implied terms have created mutual duties, which are borne by the employee and the employer. One such mutual duty is the obligation of mutual trust and confidence, which has its origins in the ancient fiduciary duty owed by a servant to their master.

New Use for Common Law Contracts

Authored by Chris McArdle, Principal at McArdle Legal, Employment Lawyers Sydney

“The Government’s election commitment is that there will be no place in the new workplace relations system for AWAs or any other form of statutory individual employment agreement.”

On 13 February 2008, a bill which became the Rudd Government’s new Workplace Relations Amendment (Transition to Forward with Fairness) Act 2008 was introduced in Parliament. It commenced on 27 March 2008, and along with its companions the Workplace Relations Amendment Regulations 2008 (No. 1) and Workplace Relations Amendment Regulations 2008 (No. 2) which together form a suite of transitional legislation, its purpose is to dismantle, at least to some extent, the changes wrought by Howard’s Work Choices legislation.

This transitional legislation seeks to make several major alterations to the federal industrial relations landscape:

• A modified version of the ‘no-disadvantage test’ is to be re-introduced, in place of the previous government’s ‘fairness test’ – there is no practical difference between the two, but we must accept that it is necessary for the new to appear different to the old;
• It will no longer be possible to unilaterally terminate collective agreements after they have run out – the party wishing to terminate the agreement would now need to apply to the Australian Industrial Relations Commission, who would only terminate the collective agreement if the public interest would not be harmed by doing so. Since that test means: “does not affect anyone else”, we can assume that termination by the AIRC will be virtually automatic unless it is opposed on “flow on” grounds;
• A special ‘award modernisation process’ is to be put in train, to be conducted by the AIRC and to be completed by 1 January 2010. This will have no effect on most people – it will mean that, after much debate things like “gender non-specific terms” will be introduced;
• All awards are to contain a mandatory ‘flexibility clause’ to enable employment arrangements to more closely suit the genuine needs of employers and employees.
• There will be a new statutory ‘safety net’ to consist of ten National Employment Standards, which have not yet been released; and
• One of the most high-profile changes is to forcibly retire the Australian Workplace Agreement and replace all AWAs with Interim Transitional Employment Agreements, (ITEAs), during the transitional period.
AWAs and ITEAs AWAs at their height covered about 5% of the workforce. They have been subject to the “fairness test” since May 2007, which is identical to the “no-disadvantage test” in all discernable respects.

They have thus not been the ogre documents of popular fiction that they are still painted since then. It is odd, therefore, for their removal to be held out to be so significant.

The Coalition’s Industrial Relations
reform.

That is especially so in the light of the policy of the new government to abolish all but the most minimum safety net for any of those rich people earning more than $100,000 per year. Thus, all the unskilled mine workers in WA who were earning $150,000 on AWAs will now have less protection than they previously did – mainly in the area of wrongful dismissal, in the event of which they can now approach the AIRC being “award covered”, but from now on will not be able to, being rich.

ITEAs are re-named AWAs, – so named to appear different. They are “end game” documents, and will all cease to be on the last day of 2009. None could be made after 27 March this year. During parliamentary debate over the Forward with Fairness Bill, Julia Gillard stated: “From the date of proclamation…
the ability of any employer in the country to make an Australian workplace agreement… to rip away an award condition without compensation, will be over – done and dusted.” Puzzling rhetoric, in view of the Fairness Test that Howard introduced in his panic in May 2007. The ALP could not acknowledge that, since they could hardly admit that their key criticism was no more, and the Coalition could not point it out, since they could not admit that their policy was anti social before May 2007. The press could not say anything, because there is no story in emptiness.

Academics could hardly write papers to the effect that it was all about nothing. So, we had and continue to have the Seinfeld debate about Industrial Relations.
Individual common law contracts The solution to the problems of IR seen by the new Government is to remove great chunks of the community from under the umbrella. The AIRC will be replaced by a public service agency that will take up to a year to do anything, and the functions of which will be discharged by the unmotivated led by the unimaginative. Most of the community will be spared this, as most will be excluded, either because they are rich and earning more than $100,000 a year, or cannot wait for the wheels of bureaucratic justice to grind slowly.

The exception is the public sector, the members of which will not be put off at all by the slowness or the passive aggressive unresponsiveness of the “Fair Work Australia” crack team of operatives. That finalises the process that has been evolving for some time – trade unionism is confined to the public service, and is an institution that serves the lowly paid (and preserves their lowly paid status).

Most people will be on their own. The exception is the ’10 National Minimum Standards’ (see following article). The Government has settled on a figure of $100,000 a year as the magic number. The 2008 legislation provides that if an employee, whose ‘guaranteed ordinary earnings’ are less than $100,000 a year, enters into a common law contract with their employer, then that contract must adhere to the 10 national minimum standards and must also allow for, at a minimum, the standards set out in any applicable award. So far so good, for these are long-established legal requirements for common law emp0loyment contracts; you cannot ‘contract out’ of any applicable award provisions, and your contract has to meet minimum award standards whether you like it or not.

However, if a common law contract is going to govern the employment of an employee who earns $100,000 or more per annum, then the only compulsory minimum standard which the contract must meet is that which will be set out in the 10 national minimum standards. To put it simply, those earning, or paying, six-figure salaries can contract out of an award – any relevant award is simply considered not to apply to the employment of that employee.

So, the whole system is now to be only for the bottom rungs. “Middle Australia” (“working families” – the people who elected them) will be largely cut out. It is stated in the amending act’s explanatory memorandum that “the proposed National Employment Standards…will be legislated as part of the Government’s substantive workplace relations reforms”, but we have not yet beenadvised of the final version of these standards. To make an educated estimation of what those 10 minimum standards
will be, it is useful to examine the details of the industrial relations policy which the Labor Party took to the
2007 election. Using the ‘Forward with Fairness” document as a guide, the present indications are that the ten standards would set out required minimum entitlements for:

• Hours of Work
• Parental Leave
• Flexible Work for Parents
• Annual Leave
• Personal, Carers and Compassionate Leave
• Community Service Leave
• Public Holidays
• Information in the Workplace
• Notice of Termination and Redundancy; and
• Long Service Leave.

The only real change in this list is “the right to request flexible working hours”. How “requesting” requires a “right” has not been explained. How it could not have been requested up to now has also not been extensively analysed.